Stopping Rape in Indian Country

This post adapted from my personal blog, The Wayward Episcopalian, and personal correspondence.

Last Sunday's New York Times included an important OpEd about a little known and gravely overlooked subject that affects millions of Americans. One of my favorite Dartmouth professors, Bruce Duthu, penned an article about the astronomical rate of rape in Indian country, and proposed some solid solutions. One in three Indian women will be raped at some point in their lifetime, and the fault is partially that of the United States Supreme Court for denying Indians criminal jurisdiction over all persons traveling or living in Indian Country (the legally and culturally accepted term, so no PC worries). And unfortunately, those who do have jurisdiction - the feds - don't act.

I am planning on doing an independent study with Prof. Duthu next year about this very topic, making it one of the two largest projects I've ever tackled. Duthu's Native Americans and the Law class is one of the best courses I've had yet; he is one of the best professors at Dartmouth (he also teaches at Vermont Law), and his word on these issues is gold. Here is an excerpt from the OpEd, with background information below:

One in three American Indian women will be raped in their lifetimes, statistics gathered by the United States Department of Justice show. But the odds of the crimes against them ever being prosecuted are low, largely because of the complex jurisdictional rules that operate on Indian lands. Approximately 275 Indian tribes have their own court systems, but federal law forbids them to prosecute non-Indians. Cases involving non-Indian offenders must be referred to federal or state prosecutors, who often lack the time and resources to pursue them.

The situation is unfair to Indian victims of all crimes -- burglary, arson, assault, etc. But the problem is greatest in the realm of sexual violence because rapes and other sexual assaults on American Indian women are overwhelmingly interracial. More than 80 percent of Indian victims identify their attacker as non-Indian. (Sexual violence against white and African-American women, in contrast, is primarily intraracial.) And American Indian women who live on tribal lands are more than twice as likely to be raped or sexually assaulted as other women in the United States, Justice Department statistics show...

Even if outside prosecutors had the time and resources to handle crimes on Indian land more efficiently, it would make better sense for tribal governments to have jurisdiction over all reservation-based crimes. Given their familiarity with the community, cultural norms and, in many cases, understanding of distinct tribal languages, tribal governments are in the best position to create appropriate law enforcement and health care responses -- and to assure crime victims, especially victims of sexual violence, that a reported crime will be taken seriously and handled expeditiously.

But Prof. Duthu isn't one to just list problems and spread doom and gloom. Please, read the whole thing.

I forwarded this information out to several dozen people. To give you some background information on the issue, here is the response of a beloved and wonderful HS teacher of mine up in Idaho, and my reply to him:

This is really interesting and disturbing.  It appears to be a by-product of the Indians' long-established self-jurisdiction.  It's the same thing that allows you to buy "real" fireworks on the reservation, but not five miles away on non-Indian land.  It's probably too easy and obvious to ever be considered, but it seems that the Indian gov't and the feds simply have to agree that certain crimes will be prosecuted by the feds, regardless the race of victims and perpetrators.  That line about lacking time and resources bothers and confuses me.  Do they lack time and resources to investigate and prosecute the same offenses when they don't involve Indians? A related question... is whether the Indian officials (or the culture, in an informal way) choose to ignore/allow this crime.

Me:

I'm a Native American Studies (double with Government) major, and did a bit of study with Prof. Duthu on this subject last summer. The problem comes from a 1978 Supreme Court decision [Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe] that denied Indians criminal jurisdiction over non-Natives on Native land. I read the decision, and it makes no legal sense. If a Montanan commits a crime in Idaho, Idaho arrests him. If an American commits a crime in France, France arrests him. Since the Indians are sovereign over their reservations (per the Constitution, treaty agreements, prior Court decisions, and basic legal logic), you would think they'd have that same jurisdiction. Though most scholars agree, the Court didn't.

As a result, jurisdiction over non-Natives was turned over to the feds. When an Indian rapes someone on a reservation, the Indian cops can bust him, but not when the rapist is white or Latino or black or whatever. No, Indian officials certainly don't ignore these crimes, but the Supreme Court stripped them of the authority to do anything about it. Only the feds have jurisdiction, yet the Justice Dept. rarely gets involved if there's no confession. They follow through on BIA claims at a lower rate than any other agency. It's no secret, then, that anyone not enrolled in a tribe can literally get away with murder in Indian Country, which is why, unlike the nation at large, the majority of rapes of Indian women are by strangers rather than acquaintances, and by men of different races.

Why are the feds so indifferent? Part of it is the FBI's narrow focus on corruption, immigration, and terrorism, giving other issues the short end of the stick. I doubt racism is a big issue here; that comes more into play at the local level. The only realistic solution is for Congress, which through legal quirks does have the ability to overturn this SC opinion, to give Indians the same jurisdiction over their sovereign territory that counties have over theirs, and to help tribal police the same way COPS helps city police.

And as far as the sale of fireworks goes, the same thing happens with some state boundaries. You can't buy "real" fireworks in Massachusetts, but drive five miles to New Hampshire, and there you are. That's just the reality of states' rights and federalism, which is actually a three-tiered system that includes the tribes, not just state and federal.

*

On a related note, you may have heard about legislation recently introduced by Senator Byron Dorgan (D-ND), Chairman of the Indian Affairs Committee, aimed at increasing law and order in Indian Country. Duthu wrote his OpEd several months ago and the Times only just published it, so it doesn't mention the bill, which was introduced a week or three ago. I haven't read the text of Dorgan's legislation yet, but from what I've heard, it would give the feds a mandate and the resources to fill that mandate, which is better than the status quo but doesn't do anything about jurisdiction or sovereignty. In other words, it doesn't do nearly enough, and I am worried that it might make passage of further legislation more difficult. Normally I don't take the purist side in arguments of purism vs. pragmatism, but the small political power of the American Indian lobby makes this a special case, I think.

Update, August 18, 10:00AM: Trond Jacobson made an insightful and informative comment below that I hope you will all read. I am sticking its full text after the jump; here is the original link. I don't agree with every little nuance, but that's not what's important; I thank Trond for providing a wonderful historic understanding for this issue. I wasn't sure I could boil down history's complexities so didn't try; he tried and won.

The problem TT describes extends beyond rape to include the full range of crimes of domestic violence and child abuse. Officials tracking chat rooms visited by child molesters have encountered discussions regarding the legal advantages of targeting reservation populations because of the jurisdictional hole created by Oliphant. There is really no possible interpretation of Rehnquist's behavior other than that he was an Indian Hater. That decision is merely the capstone of a range of adverse decisions issued since passage of the Major Crimes Act, upheld in US v. Kagama.

The trajectory has been one of consistently and progressively curtailed tribal criminal jurisdiction. We have come a long way since "the laws of Georgia can have no force" [31 U.S. 515 (1832)], and even this comparatively enlightened decision affirmed the tortured and invented "domestic dependent nation" logic [sic] articulated the previous year by Marshall.

One of the great benefits of an Obama victory is that we may well see some of the most enlightened Indian policy out of Washington in a long time. I make this claim due to the quality of the native advisers to the Obama campaign (e.g. Mr. Keith Harper).

My opinion is that some Americans, perhaps some posting to this diary, need to more deeply engage the history - the actual history - of native-EuroAmerican interactions in all its dimensions; legal, political, military, cultural, educational. A false moral equivalence is repulsive and ignorant and when taken to the logical extreme enters the domain of racism. It is also historically ignorant, self-satisfying pablum. And it is not a problem confined to the past. The actual history, not the tight web of myth, ignorance, racism, and privilege that generally passes for popular discussion of American Indian affairs, clears away the distortions of ideology to reveal rather clearly what has transpired.

Whatever benefits of sovereignty tribes may enjoy are the result of treaty negotiations among sovereigns in which native land was exchanged for other promises by the federal government (promises very rarely honored). They are not special rights afforded to a minority group. No other group in the United States polity was similarly situated; no others were members of indigenous nations with 'title' to the land nor were they parties to the treaties conferring land to the emerging US. (Let's set aside the legacy of duplicity and coercion by the US that often colored treaty negotiations).

A crucial factor underlying the grim realities TT describes is declination of prosecution by federal prosecutors for crimes committed by non-tribal members on tribal land. A crucial component to solving this problem is to reverse the trend toward ever narrower tribal criminal jurisdiction. The optimal practical and moral solution is to eventually arrive at complete tribal jurisdiction over all crimes committed on tribal land regardless of the national or ethnic or racial status of the perpetrator or victim. There really is no other meaningful way to cut through the jurisdictional maze that leaves so many Indian women, men, and children in legal limbo. Recognizing the sovereign power of jurisdiction over criminal matters would also further spur the revitalization of tribal institutions and communities.



Display:


Re: Stopping Rape in Indian Country (none / 0)

.

Reminds me of a Little Known Fact about the U Street riots in Washington, D.c. in 1966 or '67, I forget which. (Not the MLK assassination riots: that was The Fire (the) Next Time.)

The newspapers were all full of the rioting and burning and the Feds being called out.

What actually happened was a wee bit different: there were a very few buildings burned by a few local dolts. The local churches and SNCC went into the streets and calmed things down.

The Feds were called out to set up road blocks at the Maryland border -- to stop whites coming into town, armed to the teeth and determined to do some shooting.

"Peckerwood" seems like a friendly folklorish sorta word for our more retarded brethren -- but the actual fact is rural America has a lot of really nasty psychopaths hiding among it.


by DavidLJ on Sun Aug 17, 2008 at 11:29:01 PM EST

Re: Stopping Rape in Indian Country (none / 0)

There are a number of problems with this analysis. The first is that, while we did win the armed conflicts, saying that gives us the right to have total control is like saying Israel has the right to dominate Palestine if it can win that conflict. Two,  even though we won, we chose to be at least somewhat ethical and honor Indians' sovereignty over the territory that remained in their posession. They weren't GIVEN their reservations; that was land we didn't take in the first place, and that they have held since time immemorial. Three, this isn't an issue that concerns "other ethnic groups". It's political, not legal. There was no black civilization sovereign over millions of acres when we arrived; no Latino civilization here; no Asian governments. There were Navajos, Iroquois, etc. We did not give them their sovereignty or their civilizations; they were here when we arrived. Why should other ethnic groups be given something like that when it's not their ancestral home where they are already sovereign? Additionally, being racially Indian does not get anyone special legal rights. You have to be a member of a recognized tribe, and if a tribe wanted to recognize certain whites as members, that's their perogative. Membership in a tribe is kind of like citizenship, just a lot harder to get. And while it generally parallels race, legally, the race isn't the issue. Fourth, yes, there were atrocities on both sides, but the European colonists started it, and suggesting the Indian atrocities were just as bad is like saying we should be talking about male rape as much as we do female rape - well, yes, it's heinous, but when 20 people are hurt, I'm a bit more five times more concerned for them than I am 4 other people who were equally hurt. The colonists, soldiers, and frontiersmen hurt a lot more people than the Indians and decimated a culture, something no tribe can say. Additionally, the neglect and abuse continued straight through the 1960s and, in some cases like the rape resulting from jurisdiction issues, even to today.


The Wayward Episcopalian
by Transplanted Texan on Sun Aug 17, 2008 at 11:30:48 PM EST

Re: Stopping Rape in Indian Country (2.00 / 1)

Um.  Did you even read the post?  The problem comes from a limitation to the "sovereignty" which you appear to be whining about.

"There were injustices perpetrated on both sides?"  I don't even know why I'm replying to this nonsense.  Nobody's talking about what's happened 100+ years ago, we're talking about what's happening now.


by auronrenouille on Mon Aug 18, 2008 at 01:35:55 AM EST

Re: Susan Brownmiller (none / 0)

Susan Brownmiller wrote a besteseller in the 1970s called "Against Our Will" about the history of rape in the United States.  She argues that rape is a crime of power rather than a crime of sex and specifically addresses the issue of rape of American Indians in Capter 5 (pages 150-165 of the paperback).  

I strongly suggest that you read this book, particularly that chapter, to get an idea of what is happening in a historic context.


by David Kowalski on Mon Aug 18, 2008 at 02:27:04 AM EST

Re: Susan Brownmiller (none / 0)

Thanks, David. I'm not familiar with that particular book, but through my church activism, I am well acquainted with the idea of rape as power. Many theologians believe that this is why the Bible condemns homosexuality - it's condemning the act of putting another man below you. The true crime of Sodom was not male rape, but power rape. So I will certainly look up this book on Amazon and mark it for future reference; it sounds like it may combine multiple fields of interest for me. Thank you for the heads up!


The Wayward Episcopalian
by Transplanted Texan on Mon Aug 18, 2008 at 09:57:21 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Stopping Rape in Indian Country (2.00 / 1)

I'm going to dispense with any formalities and simply say that everything you wrote sounds like the kind of analysis one might hear at a tobacco spitting contest.

When I was growing up out west I heard your "we won, you lost" refrain over and over, and it sounds even more stupid than I remembered.


by Spiffarino on Mon Aug 18, 2008 at 02:39:45 AM EST

Important topic (2.00 / 1)

The problem TT describes extends beyond rape to include the full range of crimes of domestic violence and child abuse.  Officials tracking chat rooms visited by child molesters have encountered discussions regarding the legal advantages of targeting reservation populations because of the jurisdictional hole created by Oliphant.  There is really no possible interpretation of Rehnquist's behavior other than that he was an Indian Hater.  That decision is merely the capstone of a range of adverse decisions issued since passage of the Major Crimes Act, upheld in US v. Kagama.

The trajectory has been one of consistently and progressively curtailed tribal criminal jurisdiction.  We have come a long way since "the laws of Georgia can have no force" [31 U.S. 515 (1832)], and even this comparatively enlightened decision affirmed the tortured and invented "domestic dependent nation" logic [sic] articulated the previous year by Marshall.

One of the great benefits of an Obama victory is that we may well see some of the most enlightened Indian policy out of Washington in a long time.  I make this claim due to the quality of the native advisers to the Obama campaign (e.g. Mr. Keith Harper).

My opinion is that some Americans, perhaps some posting to this diary, need to more deeply engage the history - the actual history - of native-EuroAmerican interactions in all its dimensions; legal, political, military, cultural, educational. A false moral equivalence is repulsive and ignorant and when taken to the logical extreme enters the domain of racism.  It is also historically ignorant, self-satisfying pablum.  And it is not a problem confined to the past.  The actual history, not the tight web of myth, ignorance, racism, and privilege that generally passes for popular discussion of American Indian affairs, clears away the distortions of ideology to reveal rather clearly what has transpired.

Whatever benefits of sovereignty tribes may enjoy are the result of treaty negotiations among sovereigns in which native land was exchanged for other promises by the federal government (promises very rarely honored).  They are not special rights afforded to a minority group.  No other group in the United States polity was similarly situated; no others were members of indigenous nations with 'title' to the land nor were they parties to the treaties conferring land to the emerging US.  (Let's set aside the legacy of duplicity and coercion by the US that often colored treaty negotiations).

A crucial factor underlying the grim realities TT describes is declination of prosecution by federal prosecutors for crimes committed by non-tribal members on tribal land. A crucial component to solving this problem is to reverse the trend toward ever narrower tribal criminal jurisdiction.  The optimal practical and moral solution is to eventually arrive at complete tribal jurisdiction over all crimes committed on tribal land regardless of the national or ethnic or racial status of the perpetrator or victim.  There really is no other meaningful way to cut through the jurisdictional maze that leaves so many Indian women, men, and children in legal limbo. Recognizing the sovereign power of jurisdiction over criminal matters would also further spur the revitalization of tribal institutions and communities.


"We live entangled in webs of endless deceit, often self-deceit, but with a little honest effort, it is possible to extricate ourselves from them". -- NC
by Trond Jacobsen on Mon Aug 18, 2008 at 08:56:57 AM EST

Re: Important topic (none / 0)

Trond, this is one of the most enlightened comments I have read in quiet some time. Thank you. I will point to it from the main post on the frontpage.

Prof. Duthu mentioned that he will probably push me to widen my independent study on Oliphant beyond rape and include things like domestic violence and child abuse. It will be a chilling year for me.


The Wayward Episcopalian
by Transplanted Texan on Mon Aug 18, 2008 at 09:59:22 AM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Important topic (2.00 / 1)

Thanks for the kind words and even more for raising this important issue.  It would be a good thing if these and other American Indian issues were more prominent in public policy discussions.  Good luck with your studies.

Based on my study of the issues, I think a good case can be made that, despite the precarious situation in which most indigenous nations found themselves on the eve of the Major Crimes Act, its passage signaled a major new intrusion on native sovereignty, one with many lasting pernicious consequences.  How Indian Country might have evolved in its absence is a tantalizing counterfactual, though obviously the "pulverizing engine" of allotment took a very heavy toll independent of criminal issues.

I grew up in the west where tribes are in many places major economic, political, and cultural forces in rural areas.  They are major players in many resource controversies as well, from fishing to timber to water.  

My belief and experience is that superior policy outcomes can be attained for both native and non-native populations if non-natives give greater weight to the perspectives and rights of native peoples.  At least some respectful and genuine consideration instead of the triumphalist rhetoric and moral blindness of the conquerors.


"We live entangled in webs of endless deceit, often self-deceit, but with a little honest effort, it is possible to extricate ourselves from them". -- NC
by Trond Jacobsen on Tue Aug 19, 2008 at 03:28:09 PM EST
[ Parent ]

Re: Important topic (2.00 / 1)

Western notions of property ownership might have been uncommon, but notions of territorial control and negotiations regarding land transfers and access, etc., were exceedingly common.  There was also not a single pan-Indian view about land, Walt Disney movies notwithstanding.

The view you adopt is more retrograde than even the view assumed by Europeans or the Americans, which considered the various tribes nations with which to treat, something done with great frequency, particularly in the case of land cessions.  We recognized their title in the treaties we signed and our Senate ratified; you appear to excise that fact on the strength a stereotypic belief about Indians' view of the land.

You may wish to study more deeply the understanding under international law of the Rights of Discovery and the Rights of Conquest, neither of which was ever viewed in the absolutist terms you sketch.  Your view is also patently contrary to solemn American promises starting with the Northwest Ordinance and continuing from there.  Then there is the irony that the young pariah US post-revolution was anxious to conclude treaties with native nations long recognized by European powers and with standing under international law, in order to confer a measure of legitimacy on the fledging country.

So your victor's justice is really a statement, I believe, that you do not mind if your nation is a lawless state, one which ignores it's own stated laws and constitution as well as international law and basic norms of civilization.  You may be comfortable with that but I am not.

Is law breaking OK when the government spies on your conversations, or is it only OK when governmental law breaking happens to other people?  After all, the federal government is much stronger than you and your family; you surely are powerless to resist.  Should I conclude you got what you deserve because you were too weak to make your view stick?  I say no, even if your perspective might appear to legitimize such spying.

May I recommend:

Felix Cohen, "Original Indian Title", 32 Minn L. Rev. 28 (1947-48)
1 Op Atty Gen 465 (April 26, 1821)
2 Op Atty Gen 110 (July 28, 1828)


"We live entangled in webs of endless deceit, often self-deceit, but with a little honest effort, it is possible to extricate ourselves from them". -- NC
by Trond Jacobsen on Tue Aug 19, 2008 at 04:03:19 PM EST
[ Parent ]


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